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The process of recasting and relabeling social issues as Black problems, regardless of the established facts or findings, could be called empirical perversion. Debates about affirmative action, welfare, and crime fell prey to this game of radical twister. The same phenomenon is at work in the framing of police brutality. What was once a generic term used to describe police abuse against citizens has come to symbolize a confrontation between members of minority communities and the police. Simply put, the public face of a police brutality victim is that of a young man who is Black or Latino. This racial links is the direct result of the disproportionately high number of Blacks and Latinos who have been assaulted by the police. Blacks report much higher rates of encounters with the police. For example, a 17 household survey by the Justice Department found that Blacks and Hispanics were about 70 percent more likely to have had contact with the police than Whites. The survey also revealed that one-half of all the people who reported having been hit, pushed, choked, threatened with a gun, or restrained by a dog were Blacks or Hispanics.
The racialization of police brutality has come at a high price. The fact that police brutality is represented as Black has dismissed it to the bottom of social problems. A clear reflection of this is the publics widely open response to the escalating claims of police brutality offered by members of minority communities. Whether or not an issue is ghettoized has everything to do with how it is perceived. More troubling, the marginalization of police brutality may reflect a belief that there is something unique about Blackness that explains and justifies police abuse. This sends a subtle, yet clear, message there is a reasonable link between Black skin and police assaults. All told, the dismissal of police violence as a Black thing is not surprising. Historically, social problems that disproportionately affected Black were ignored. We need look no further than the sociopolitical inertia surrounding decisions to effectively address urban poverty and substandard inner-city schooling. The criminal justice system, courts in particular, has a dubious record of redressing its abuses against Black citizens. In fact, assaults against Black suspects have been at the core of seminal U.S. Supreme Court decisions (for example Powell vs. Alabama and Brown vs. Mississippi). Racial scapegoating is not new. Contemporary examples of this age-old problem challenge us to ask, How did we get here? That is, how and why did we take this particular turn -a turn that results in collective finger pointing aimed at Blacks? Not only has police brutality been widely defined as a Black problem, it has been positioned as a problem for which Blacks are solely to blame. This sleight of hand reasoning mirrors arguments that have been offered to justify police practices that target minority citizens. Some suggest that the disproportionately high levels of police abuse against Blacks and Latinos can be explained by their high rates of offending. Put another way, police brutality against Blacks and Latinos is dismissible as a by-product of their high rates of involvement in crime. The reasoning is as follow
1 Blacks are disproportionately involved in street crime.
Police reasonably suspect that Blacks are involved in street crime.Custom writing service can write essays on Police brutality
Therefore, police are more likely to stop Blacks and, consequently, Blacks are more like to be victims of police brutality.
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