LBJ and FCR

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President Compare and Contrast Franklin D. Roosevelt and Lyndon B. Johnson

Franklin Roosevelt and Lyndon Johnson were both very important leaders of the twentieth century. Both presidents lead the country through hard times, war, and victory. Through both leaders the country gained many strengths.

Roosevelt was the thirty-second president of the United States and Johnson followed shortly behind as the thirty-sixth President. Johnson was actually one of Roosevelts personal protgs. Both Presidents had a passion for politics and pursued their passion without fear. Both presidents came from different worlds, though. Roosevelt came from a predominantly wealthy family as where Johnsons father struggled to raise his family. But, both Presidents have so much in common with the way they lead their country and a few differences. Lets start with the life of Roosevelt.

As mentioned before, Roosevelt was the thirty-second president of the United States. He was born January 0, 188. The Roosevelts had been moderately wealthy for many generations. Franklin was often in the care of a governess and tutors. Later in life he entered Harvard University and was a reasonably good student. He also met and determined to marry his cousin, Eleanor, to his mothers annoyance. Despite his mothers opposition, they were married in 105, and Franklin entered Columbia University Law School. He prepared for the bar examinations and without taking a degree became a lawyer and entered a clerkship in a Wall Street firm. It was later recalled that he had remarked to fellow clerks that he meant somehow to enter politics and finally to become president. There was never any doubt of his ambition. Order College Papers on LBJ and FCR

Roosevelts chance came in 110. He accepted the Democratic nomination for the New York Senate and was elected. Although his backing had come from Democrats affiliated with New York Citys notorious Tammany Hall, he joined a group of upstate legislators who were setting out to oppose the election of Tammanys choice for U.S. senator. The Tammany fight made Roosevelt famous in New York. He was reelected in 11. That year Woodrow Wilson was elected president; Roosevelt had been a campaign worker, and his efforts had been noticed by prominent party elder Josephus Daniels. When Daniels became secretary of the Navy in Wilsons Cabinet, he persuaded Wilson to offer Roosevelt the assistant secretary ship.

As assistant secretary, Roosevelt began an experience that substituted for the naval career he had hoped for as a boy. Before long he became restless, however, and tried to capture the Democratic nomination for U.S. senator from New York. America soon entered the war, however, and Roosevelt could work for a cause he believed in. At that time there was only one assistant secretary, and he had extensive responsibilities. Though Roosevelt tried several times to leave his civilian post to join the fighting forces, he was persuaded to remain. The American armies had saved Europe and the Europeans were ungrateful. Resentment and disillusion were widespread. The Republican Party had the advantage of not having been responsible for these foreign entanglements. In 10 they nominated Warren G. Harding, a conservative senator, as their presidential candidate. The Democrats nominated Governor James Cox of Ohio, who had had no visible part in the Wilson administration; the vice-presidential candidate was Roosevelt. It was a despairing campaign; but in one respect it was a beginning rather than an ending for Roosevelt. He made a much more noticeable campaign effort than the presidential candidate. He covered the nation by special trains, speaking many times a day, often from back platforms, and getting acquainted with local leaders everywhere. He had learned the professional politicians breeziness, was able to absorb useful information, and had an infallible memory for names and faces. The defeat was decisive; but Roosevelt emerged as the most representative Democrat.

In the summer of 11, vacationing in Canada, he became mysteriously ill. His disease, poliomyelitis, was not immediately diagnosed. He was almost totally paralyzed, however, and had to be moved to New York for treatment. He would never recover the use of his legs, a disability that seemed to end his political career.

In 1 he tried the warm mineral waters of Warm Springs, Georgia, where exercise was easier. While at Warm Springs in 18, Roosevelt was called to political duty again, this time by Al Smith, whom he had put in nomination at the Democratic conventions of 14 and 18. Almost at once, however, it became clear that Smith could not win the election. He felt, however, that Roosevelt, as candidate for governor, would help to win New York. He ran and was narrowly elected.

Roosevelt began the 4 years of his New York governorship that were preliminary to his presidency, and since he was reelected years later, it was inevitable that he should be the candidate in 1. Since 1 the nation had been sunk in the worst depression of its history, and Herbert Hoovers Republican administration had failed to find a way to recovery. This made it a favorable year for the Democrats. It would be more true to say that Hoover in 1 lost than that Roosevelt won. Roosevelt came to the presidency with a dangerous economic crisis at its height. Industry was paralyzed, and unemployment afflicted some 0 percent of the work force. Roosevelt had promised that something would be done.

Roosevelt began providing relief on a large scale by giving work to the unemployed and by approving a device for bringing increased income to farmers, who were in even worse straits than city workers. Also, he devalued the currency and enabled debtors to discharge debts that had long been frozen. Closed banks all over the country were assisted to reopen, and gradually the crisis was overcome. In 14, Roosevelt proposed a comprehensive social security system that, he hoped, would make another such depression impossible. Citizens would never be without at least minimum incomes again. Incidentally, these citizens became devoted supporters of the President who had given them this hope. In spite of the conservatives who opposed the measures he collectively called the New Deal, he became so popular that he won reelection in 16 by an unprecedented majority. His second term began with a struggle between himself and the Supreme Court. The justices had held certain of his New Deal devices to be unconstitutional. In retaliation he proposed to add new justices who would be more amenable. Many even in his own party opposed him in this attempt to pack the Court, and Congress defeated it.

Nevertheless in 140 Roosevelt determined to break with tradition and run for a third term. His reasons were partly that his reforms were far from finished, but more importantly that he was now certain of Adolf Hitlers intention to subdue Europe and go on to further conquests. Europe would be defeated unless the United States came to its support.

The presidential campaign of 140 was the climax of Roosevelts plea that Americans set themselves against the Nazi threat. He had sought to prepare the way in numerous speeches but had had a most disappointing response. So strong was American reluctance to be involved in another world war that in the last speeches of this campaign Roosevelt practically promised that young Americans would never be sent abroad to fight. Luckily his opponent, Republican Wendell Willkie, also favored support for the Allies. The campaign, won by a narrow majority, gave Roosevelt no mandate for intervention.

Roosevelt was not far into his third term, however, when the decision to enter the war was made for him by the Japanese, whose attack on Pearl Harbor caused serious losses to American forces there. Almost at once the White House became headquarters for those who controlled the strategy of what was now World War II. Roosevelt firmly believed that the first problem was to help the British, and then, when Hitler turned east, to somehow get arms to the Soviets. The Japanese could be taken care of when Europe was safe. Roosevelt wanted an early crossing of the English Channel to retake France and to force Hitler to fight on two fronts. Eventually an Allied crossing to Sicily and a slow, costly march up the Italian peninsula, correlated with the attack across the English Channel, forced the Italian collapse and the German surrender. After the German surrender, the Pacific war was brought to an end by the American atomic bomb explosion over the Japanese cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. By this time Roosevelt was dead. He had not participated in that doubtful decision; but he had been, with Churchill, in active command during the war until then.

Completely exhausted, Roosevelt had gone to Warm Springs early in 145. He had recently returned from a conference of Allied leaders at Yalta, where he had forced acceptance of his scheme for a United Nations and made arrangements for the Soviet Union to assist in the final subjugation of Japan. At Warm Springs he prepared the address to be used at San Francisco, where the meeting to ratify agreements concerning the United Nations was to be held. He finished signing papers on the morning of April 1, 145, and within hours he suffered a massive cerebral hemorrhage and died. His body was transported by train to Washington D.C., where he was buried in Hyde Park.

Roosevelt will always be known as the president who brought the country out of the "Great Depression" and for his strategies that helped in the victory of World War II. Many consider him a hero of the times. Johnson was not far from the same. Johnson also had a desire to fight for his country in the Navy. When things were bad in the country he was looked upon for help the same as Roosevelt. Here is a description of his terms in the presidency.

Johnson was the thirty-sixth U.S. President. He was born August 7, 108, near Johnson City, Texas. Johnsons father was a struggling farmer trying to raise his two sons and three daughters. Johnson graduated from Southwest State Teachers College in San Marcos, Texas, with a Bachelor of Science degree.

In 11, politics beckoned. He went to Washington, D.C., as secretary to Texas congressman Richard Kleberg. Almost immediately Johnsons talent for attracting affection and respect became visible. He was elected Speaker of the Little Congress, an assembly of congressional secretaries on Capitol Hill.

On November 17, 14, he married Claudia Taylor of Karnak, Texas. At age 7, he was already exhibiting his characteristic traits of energy, intellect, and tenacity when he resigned as a congressional secretary in 15 to become the Texas director of the National Youth Administration. In 17, the congressman from Texass Tenth District died suddenly. When a special election was called to select a successor, Johnson hesitated only slightly. Johnson leaped into a race crowded with eight opponents. The only candidate to support President Franklin Roosevelts court-packing plan, he did so with such vigor that the eyes of the nation were drawn to the outcome, and none watched it with more intensity than Roosevelt himself. To the amazement of political veterans, the 8-year-old Johnson won the race.

President Roosevelt, in Texas on a fishing trip, was so elated that he invited Johnson to accompany him back to Washington, D.C. Thus, Johnson became his personal protg. Johnson was brought into the councils of ruling establishmentarians of the House of Representatives.

In 141, Johnson entered another special election, this time for a Senate seat made vacant by a death. Nearly every community watched the tall, smiling Johnson alight from his helicopter. In a bitter campaign Johnson lost by 1,11 votes to Governor W. Lee ODaniel.

That December Johnson became the first member of Congress to enter active military duty. He joined the Navy and in 14 received the Silver Star for gallantry in a bombing mission over New Guinea. When President Roosevelt ordered all congressmen back to the capital in 14, Johnson reentered the House.

In 148, Johnsons restless quest for higher office was finally successful. In a savagely fought senatorial campaign, he defeated a former governor of Texas by a celebrated margin of 87 votes. In January 151, just three years into his first term, Johnson was elevated to Democratic assistant minority leader. In 15, when the post of minority leader in the Senate opened up Democratic senators without hesitation chose Johnson to take charge. With the congressional elections of 154, the Democrats took command of both houses. And with this new alignment, Johnson again set a record as the youngest man ever to become majority leader.

Johnson became the complete Senate leader. Now one voice spoke for the Democrats, as Johnson became the second most powerful man in Washington, D.C. He handled the Senate with confidence and skill. The Republican opposition found it impossible to outflank this majority leader; legislation opposed by Johnson rarely found acceptance by the Senate.

Johnson led the first civil rights bill in 8 years through the Senate. He guided to final victory the first space legislation in the National Aeronautics and Space Act of 158. In 158, designated by President Dwight Eisenhower to represent the United States at the United Nations, he presented the resolution calling for the peaceful exploration of outer space. He exposed wastes in defense procurement during the Korean War and conducted defense hearings that were a model of accuracy and dispassionate scrutiny.

In 160, Johnson briefly opposed John F. Kennedy for the Democratic presidential nomination; then Kennedy electrified the country by choosing Johnson as his vice-presidential running mate. While some Kennedy supporters grumbled, experts later agreed that Johnsons relentless campaigning in Texas and throughout the South had provided Kennedy with his winning margin. As vice-president, Johnson had important assignments. One of his principal tasks was the burgeoning space program, which was overshadowed by Russian triumphs with Sputnik and subsequent innovations that put the United States in an inferior role. For civil rights, he was the chairman of the Equal Employment Opportunity forces.

On November , 16, President Kennedy was assassinated in Dallas. Aboard the plane Air Force One at Love Field in Dallas, Johnson took the presidential oath of office on November . Giving orders to take off seconds later, the new president flew back to Washington to take command of the government, while the nation grieved for its fallen leader.

Five days after taking office, President Johnson appeared before a joint session of the Congress. Speaking with firmness and controlled passion, he pledged, we shall continue. The new president--meeting round the clock with staff, Cabinet, and congressmen--unbuckled key legislation, so that within a few short months the tax cut and the civil rights bills were passed by Congress and signed by the President.

Six months after assuming the presidency, Johnson announced his concept of the Great Society. The areas he considered vital were health and education; the whole complex of the urban society, with its accompanying ills of ghettos, pollution, housing, and transportation; civil rights; and conservation.

Johnson took his innovative domestic programs to the nation in the election of 164. The American involvement in Vietnam, sanctioned by three presidents, became an issue. He won by a margin of almost 16 million votes, more than 61 percent of the total vote, the widest margin in totals and percentage of any presidential election in American history. Between 165 and 168 the Congress passed more than 07 landmark bills.

In education, Johnsons administration tripled expenditures. By the end of 168, 1.5 million students were receiving Federal aid to help them gain their college degrees; over 10 million people learned new skills through vocational education; and 1,000 school districts received special help under the Elementary and Secondary Education Act. More than 600,000 disabled citizens were trained through vocational rehabilitation programs. Head Start and other preschool programs brought specific assistance to more than two million children.

In the area of health, Johnsons administration increased Federal expenditures from $4 billion to $14 billion in four years. Medicare covered more than 0 million Americans, and more than seven million received its benefits. About 1 million children were vaccinated against four severe diseases, reducing by 50 percent the number of children who suffered from these diseases, and more than million children received health care under Medicaid in one year. Some 86 community mental health centers were built. More than 0,000 mothers and 680,000 infants received care through the Maternal and Child Health programs. Some 460,000 handicapped children were treated under the Crippled Childrens Program.

Fighting poverty, the Johnson administration lifted more than 6,000,000 Americans out of the poverty depths. Over 100,000 young men and women completed Job Corps training; . million needy Americans were helped under the Food Stamp Program; school children benefited from the School Milk and School Lunch programs.

In the area of human and civil rights, the Voting Rights Act was passed in 165, and within years nearly 1 million Negroes registered to vote in the South. More than 8 percent of all the nations hospitals agreed to provide services without discrimination. More than 8 percent of all Negro families by 168 earned about $7,000 a year, doubling the 160 figure. Some 5 percent more Negroes found professional, technical, and managerial jobs between 164 and 168. In housing, in four years the Johnson administration generated the construction of 5.5 million new homes. Direct Federal expenditures for housing and community development increased from $65 million to nearly $ billion. Two million families received Federal Housing Administration improvement loans. Federal assistance provided housing for 15,000 families earning less than $7,000 a year. Nearly $47 million was spent for water and sewage facilities in small towns. More than .5 million rural citizens benefited from economic opportunity loans, farm operation and emergency loans, and watershed and rural housing loans.

The Johnson administration presided over the longest upward curve of prosperity in the history of the nation. More than 85 months of unrivaled economic growth marked this as the strongest era of national prosperity. The average weekly wage of factory workers rose 18 percent in four years. Over nine million additional workers were brought under minimum-wage protection. Total employment, increased by 7.5 million workers, added up to 75 million; the unemployment rate dropped to its lowest point in more than a decade.

In foreign affairs the President made significant achievements. In the Western Hemisphere, at Punta del Este, Uruguay, the Latin American nations agreed to a common market for the continent. Normal relations with Panama were restored and a new canal treaty negotiated. In Cyprus, at the brink of war, the Presidents special emissaries knitted a settlement that staved off conflict. A rebellion in the Congo, which would have had ugly repercussions throughout the continent, was put down with American aid in the form of transport planes. In the Dominican Republic, an incipient Communist threat was challenged by an overwhelming show of American force, with Latin American allies.

An outer-space treaty was negotiated with the Soviet Union and a nuclear nonproliferation treaty was formulated and agreed to in Geneva. In June 167 the President met with Premier Alexei Kosygin of the Soviet Union. Meanwhile, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization was successfully realigned after France withdrew, and the vast Western European alliance was restructured and strengthened.

It was the troubled Southeast Asian problem in South Vietnam to which Johnson devoted long, tormented hours. When Johnson first became chief executive, 16,000 American troops were in Vietnam as advisers and combat instructors. In 165 the United States decided to increase its military support of South Vietnam and authorized commitment of more American troops. By 168 there was considerable disaffection over the Asian policy, and many critics in and out of the Congress determined to force the Johnson administration to shrink its commitment and withdraw U.S. troops.

Beginning in April 165 with the Presidents speech at Johns Hopkins University, in which he set forth the American policy of reconstruction of the area and the promulgation of the Asian Development Bank as an instrument of peace building, the Johnson administration attempted to negotiate with North Vietnam, whose troops were infiltrating into the South in increasing numbers. A 7-day bombing pause in December 165 raised hopes for negotiation, but lack of response from the North Vietnamese blotted this out, and the bombing resumed.

Assaulted by fierce and growing criticism, yet determined to fix some course of action that would diminish the war and commence serious peace talks, the President startled the nation and the world on March 1, 168, by renouncing his claim to re-nomination for the presidency. Johnson said that he believed that the necessity for finding a structure of peaceful negotiation was so important that even his own political fortunes must not be allowed to stand in its way. Therefore, he stated, he would not seek re-nomination, so he could spend the rest of his days in the presidency searching for negotiation without any political taint marring a possible response from the enemy.

On May 11, 168, it was announced that peace talks would indeed begin in Paris, and in November 168 the President declared that all bombing of North Vietnam would cease. Johnson retired to his ranch near San Antonio, Texas, and began to nurse a serious heart ailment.

On the afternoon of January , 17, Johnson suffered a heart attack while lying down to take a nap. He was flown to a hospital by his Secret Service agents, but was pronounced dead on arrival at 4 p.m. His body lay in state first at the Johnson Library in Austin, Texas, then, as is usual for American presidents, in the rotunda of the Capitol in Washington, D.C. until his burial on his beloved ranch.

Johnson and Roosevelt have so much more to compare than to contrast. They were both great men who wanted to fight for their country and improve the quality of life for the citizens of America. They both lead their country through war whether the end result was victorious or not. They also both lead the country through crucial times in Americas history, also. Roosevelt with the depression and World War II, and Johnson helped his country through the Vietnam War and made a huge milestone in history by passing the Civil Rights Act. There is little doubt that Johnson and Roosevelts impress on the quality of life in the United States will be long remembered.

Please note that this sample paper on LBJ and FCR is for your review only. In order to eliminate any of the plagiarism issues, it is highly recommended that you do not use it for you own writing purposes. In case you experience difficulties with writing a well structured and accurately composed paper on LBJ and FCR, we are here to assist you. Your persuasive essay on LBJ and FCR will be written from scratch, so you do not have to worry about its originality.

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Gatsby: The Perversion of the American Dream

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Everyone has his or her own version of what the American Dream is exactly. While most peoples "Dreams" include the same basic features- a happy family, money, health- some people place more emphasis on one of these aspects than on the others. In a few extreme cases, the importance placed on facet of the American Dream can completely alter the goals a person has. Such is the case with Jay Gatsby. Because of a romance and parents who didnt make much money, Gatsby felt like to earn respect, he needed to earn money. On top of that, Gatsby felt that if he made money, he could win back the one he considered his one and only, the rich and thoughtless Daisy.

When James Gatz (Gatsbys official name) was young, only seventeen, he met a man named Dan Cody. James Gatz was already Jay Gatsby by the end of the fateful conversation with Cody. Cody was on a yacht, which to Gatsby "represented all the beauty and glamour in the world" (pg 106). In this way, Cody became somewhat of a paternal father to Gatsby, because Gatsbys parents were poor and "his imagination had never really accepted them as his parents at all" (pg 104). Cody was an embodiment of what Gatsby thought of as the American Dream. Cody had made all his money in silver and copper rushes; he was a self-made millionaire, which is exactly what Gatsby hoped to become. Although Cody left Gatsby a considerable sum of money after his death, Gatsby never received any of it because it was shrewdly taken from him by Ella Kay (Codys mistress) in court. Afterwards, Gatsby joined the army, where, through the other officers from Camp Taylor, he met the woman who would lead to the success, as well as undoing, of his whole life. It was there he met the lovely, white-clad Daisy.

Daisy was "the first 'nice girl he had ever known" (pg 155), and he was incredibly attracted to her. Daisy soon began to see him more frequently than the other officers, and the two developed a romance. Gatsby was captivated not only by her beauty, but also by the beauty of the world she came from. They were from different strata, her world "fresh and breath and redolent" (pg 155), while his was everyday and plain and mundane. However, this difference, which made them all the more interesting to one another, was also the reason they could never be together; Gatsby could never provide for the extravagant lifestyle that Daisy was so accustomed to. What Daisy needed was someone rich, someone who was not Gatsby. He, being in the army, of course got sent away to fight in the war, and although he tried to get home as soon as he could to try to earn money so that he could be with his sweetheart, "some complication or misunderstanding sent him to Oxford instead" (pg 158). Daisy wasted no time, and was soon again keeping to her previous social schedule, looking for someone who was more befitting her social position than Gatsby. And this desire "took shape…with the arrival of Tom Buchanan. There was a wholesome bulkiness about his… position" (pg 15). Gatsby found out about this marriage while still at Oxford, and there was nothing he could do. So he devoted himself to what he considered the American Dream, the only thing he thought could bring Daisy back to him, back to repeat the past money.

In his never-ending quest for money to fund his obsession with Daisy, who had become his figurative "grail", Gatsby began to associate with the likes of Meyer Wolfsheim. Wolfsheim is a gambler, the one who set up the 11 Worlds Series. He and Gatsby opened up a chain of small drugstores in order to serve as a front for their bootlegging. When he finally earned enough money, Gatsby bought a house at West Egg, just so he could be across the bay from Daisy Do my essay on Gatsby: The Perversion of the American Dream CHEAP !

He had waited five years and bought a mansion where he dispensed star-light to casual moths so that he could "come over" some afternoon to a strangers garden. (page 8)

Basically, Gatsby had devoted a good five years of his life, dealing in illegal doings, just so that he may get the chance to see Daisy again. Because of those five years of fantasizing and imagining of how Daisy was like, he had made his ideal of her larger and better than what she really was. He spent these five years "concealing his incorruptible dream" (pg 16) as well. He tried to hide his motives for making money from the world, although they are revealed in the end; when all was said and done, Gatsbys dream of Daisy had been shattered, perhaps because he had made it larger than life.

Throughout his life, Gatsby had focused on all the wrong things. He let Daisy become his idol, his grail, his golden calf, and he devoted all his time and energy into pursuing her. From the first time Gatsby met Cody and the idea of what a man should be like was instilled into his head, to when he met Daisy, and met the object of his dreams, to when he took up the dirty dealings of bootlegging, Gatsby didnt watch what his ideals were becoming, and whether they were moral or not. In the end, Gatsby "paid a high price for living too long with a single dream." (page 16)

This is the hardcore version of GG, with the blue face (well eyes anyway) on the cover. you may need to change page #s.

Please note that this sample paper on Gatsby: The Perversion of the American Dream is for your review only. In order to eliminate any of the plagiarism issues, it is highly recommended that you do not use it for you own writing purposes. In case you experience difficulties with writing a well structured and accurately composed paper on Gatsby: The Perversion of the American Dream, we are here to assist you. Your cheap custom college paper on Gatsby: The Perversion of the American Dream will be written from scratch, so you do not have to worry about its originality.

Order your authentic assignment and you will be amazed at how easy it is to complete a quality custom paper within the shortest time possible!

Abortion

If you order your research paper from our custom writing service you will receive a perfectly written assignment on abortion. What we need from you is to provide us with your detailed paper instructions for our experienced writers to follow all of your specific writing requirements. Specify your order details, state the exact number of pages required and our custom writing professionals will deliver the best quality abortion paper right on time.

Our staff of freelance writers includes over 120 experts proficient in abortion, therefore you can rest assured that your assignment will be handled by only top rated specialists. Order your abortion paper at affordable prices!

Jan. 17, 00 -- Nearly nine in 10 U.S. counties lack an abortion provider. Thats only one of several factors that limit Americans access to abortion, according to a new report.

The study comes from the Alan Guttmacher Institute, a not-for-profit sexual and reproductive health research group. Although the now-independent AGI once was a division of Planned Parenthood Federation of America, anti-abortion groups generally accept its data as accurate.

AGI researchers Stanley K. Henshaw, PhD, and Lawrence B. Finer, PhD, note that the U.S. abortion rate continues to drop. This decline pretty much matches the decline in the number of abortion providers.

Its difficult to say which causes which, Finer tells WebMD. One thing that could be behind the decline is fewer unintended pregnancies. Emergency contraception -- thats the morning-after pill -- appears to have played a role in the abortion-rate decline. In the year 000, women using emergency contraception averted up to 51,000 abortions.

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Randall K. OBannon, PhD, director of education and research for the National Right to Life Committee, has a different take on the numbers.

They talk about increased contraceptive use, but over the last 10-15 years a strong abstinence movement began in the U.S., OBannon told WebMD in an October 00 interview. Even among women who become pregnant, a smaller percentage of those are aborting their babies. That is not impacted by abstinence or contraception. Women now have a better sense of what the unborn child is like. We have been involved in an educational campaign about telling what is going on in the womb.

Finer notes that though the abortion rate -- the number of abortions per 100,000 women -- has declined, the proportion of U.S. pregnancies that end in abortion remains the same one in five. This is linked to another statistic half of all U.S. pregnancies are unintended.

Yet women who want abortions face significant obstacles. Those identified in the AGI study include

Providers limit the gestational ages at which they will perform abortions. However, the new report finds that both early and late abortions are increasing.

The cost of abortion is going up -- and most U.S. women pay directly for abortion care.

8% of women must travel more than 100 miles to get an abortion. About 16% travel 50-100 miles.

Though extreme harassment of abortion seekers has declined, 80% of large abortion clinics face picketing. Up to 8% face more extreme harassment. Though 15% of clinics reported bomb threats in 000, thats fewer than the 48% that received such threats in 185.

One other factor is changing the abortion landscape so-called medical abortion. This nonsurgical abortion uses an abortion drug -- usually Mifeprex, formerly known as RU-486. The AGI finds that 6% of pregnancy terminations are now drug induced.

Though no surgery is involved, such abortions often cost more. Thats because more counseling is needed to make sure the drugs are used in the right way. And it takes two office visits one to prescribe the drugs and another to make sure the pregnancy is terminated.

We expect that the 6% number will probably increase, Finer says. But medical abortion will not replace surgical abortion. Each method has advantages and disadvantages. Surgical abortion is quicker. But if a woman doesnt want a surgical procedure and wants a more private procedure, she may opt for medical abortion.

Aug. , 000 -- The impact of an abortion on a womans mental health has been questioned for years. Some studies have suggested that many women suffer depression, regret and even a form of post-traumatic stress disorder called post-abortion syndrome.

But a study out this month finds that 80% of women were not depressed after having an abortion. In fact, the rate of depression in the postabortion group was equal to the rate of depression in the general population. As for post-traumatic stress symptoms, the rate was 1% in the postabortion group compared with an estimated 11% in women of the same age in the general population.

The studys authors say the results agree with previous studies -- including one by former Surgeon General C. Everett Koop, MD -- showing that severe mental distress following an abortion is rare.

Most women were satisfied with their decision, believed they had benefited more than had been harmed by their abortion, and would have the abortion again, writes study author Brenda Major, PhD. These findings refute claims that women typically regret an abortion. Major is a professor of psychology at the University of California in Santa Barbara.

For the study, published in the August issue of Archives of General Psychiatry, Major and colleagues interviewed 88 women undergoing abortion. The interviews were conducted prior to abortion, immediately after the procedure, and, for 44 women, again two years later.

Nearly 70% of women reported being satisfied with the decision, and 7% reported more benefit than harm. Of those who reported depression or regret after the abortion, most were depressed or had emotional problems prior to becoming pregnant.

Experts express little surprise at the findings and say this study is more proof that for the majority of women, abortion has few aftereffects.

In an editorial accompanying the study, Nancy Adler, PhD, says that rather than contributing to mental stress, the studies suggest a significant decrease in mental distress and an increase in positive emotions and self-esteem.

Adler, director of health psychology at the University of California in San Francisco, also points out that it is important to look closer at studies that have found psychological harm after abortion to evaluate whether distress really was the result of the abortion, or of other events.

Experiencing an unwanted pregnancy is itself distressing, as may be the events associated with it. For example, a womans partner may respond to the pregnancy by leaving her. The abortion then occurs in the context of loss and abandonment, yet depression or distress following the abortion would be attributed to the procedure, Adler writes. Facing hostile protesters and intimidation in seeking an abortion also may be factors that heighten risk for psychological problems postabortion in some women, she says.

Most women fare very well emotionally, agrees David Grimes, MD. Its important to understand that abortion is not a problem, its a solution. The problem is the unintended pregnancy. When that is behind them they oftentimes will feel much better. But it is well documented that relief is the overwhelming response of most women.

Psychological counseling is routine at most facilities that perform abortions.

Its mainly a discussion about the risk, benefits and alternatives and then a discussion of contraceptive options after the procedure, Grimes tells WebMD. Grimes is vice president of biomedical affairs at Family Health International, a nonprofit group in Research Triangle Park, N.C., that helps women and men obtain access to family planning services and methods.

Both Adler and Grimes say the findings highlight the need to identify and provide extra support and counseling to women who may be experiencing depression or other problems prior to an abortion and may be at risk for problems afterwards.

Oct. 6, 000 -- In the days following the approval last week of the abortion pill, RU-486, many already are pondering the possible impact of an option other than the usual one, surgical abortion. Indeed, women who wish to end a pregnancy now have another choice, but how likely is it that they will be able to find a doctor willing to offer it to them?

In the first of three scheduled presidential debates this week, Texas Gov. George W. Bush said he feared the decision to approve RU-486 -- which will be sold as Mifeprex -- would lead to more abortions. But most experts predict doctors already performing surgical abortions will make up the large majority who will soon use the pill method, also known as a medical abortion.

Medical abortion is much more difficult to provide [than surgical abortion], says Mitchell Creinin, MD, who has been performing medical abortions for more than seven years in research studies. Unlike surgical abortion, which requires only one visit, a medical abortion requires three. It also requires a lot of counseling, sometimes at an additional visit, because of the lengthy explanation about the procedure and its alternatives.

For those reasons and other burdens placed on doctors, Creinin, an associate professor and director of family planning at the University of Pittsburgh, tells WebMD, you are not going to see as many women in the U.S. seeking out this alternative as you have perhaps in other countries. Women in the U.S. are more interested in something that is going to be done and over with.

The National Abortion Federation (NAF) is doing much of the training of doctors that will be needed for them to use Mifeprex. Vicki Saporta, executive director of NAF, tells WebMD that 1,800 health care providers have been trained in the use of what they are terming the early option pill. Saporta confirms that while some doctors not currently providing abortion have gone through the training, most have been physicians who are already providing abortions. Currently, the vast majority of all abortions are performed in abortion clinics as opposed to private doctors offices.

In addition to the extra training that is needed, another reason fewer individual ob-gyns or womens health care providers may be interested in learning about or offering pill-induced abortions is that many state laws have strict criteria that anyone providing abortions must follow. These include registering as an abortion provider or being licensed as one and making sure their offices comply with often bizarre regulations that stipulate everything from the size of the hallways to the flow of air through the office.

Many states also have strict laws about how the fetal tissue resulting from the abortion can be disposed of, and whether it must be examined. Some pill-induced abortions will occur after the woman leaves the doctors office or clinic, and in some states, women who dont bring the remains of the abortion to their doctor put the doctor at risk for prosecution. Abortion clinics know these things, but experts say individual doctors probably have no clue about the obstacle course of medical and legal issues they will have to negotiate to offer abortion via a pill.

Another thing doctors may not welcome or be ready for is becoming a target for anti-abortion protesters. Some groups already are threatening to publicize the names of doctors willing to perform medical abortions and picket their offices.

Ron Fitzsimmons, executive director of the National Coalition of Abortion Providers, says his group has heard from plenty of interested people, but says the phone isnt exactly ringing off the hook, with doctors saying they definitely want to provide pill-induced abortions in their office.

Its a good option, Fitzsimmons says. But its not the revolution that some people have predicted.

Sept. 8, 000 -- The road toward FDA approval for the abortion pill RU-486, or mifepristone, has spanned two decades and been cluttered with at-times bitter, contentious battles between those against abortion rights and pro-choice advocates. But as of Thursday, medical abortion with RU-486 is now an option for American women.

To date, more than half a million women in Europe have undergone medical abortions with RU-486, as have thousands of women in the U.S. as part of clinical trials.

A combination of complex business and political issues contributed to the long time it has taken to bring this product to the market, says Sandra Waldman, spokesperson for the Population Council, a nonprofit group marketing the drug in the U.S.

I think RU-486 offers more options to women, but it wont solve all of our abortion access problems, says Tina Hoff, director of Public Health Information and Communication at the Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation in Menlo Park, Calif. There are still issues to overcome including whether or not insurance will cover the cost of abortion with RU-486, whether RU-486 can be administered by non-physician providers, and how doctors will accommodate the [time] that it takes to expel the fetus, she tells WebMD.

To illustrate the long, embattled road toward approval, WebMD has put together a time line of the milestones and roadblocks in the fight to approve RU-486, both here and abroad

180 -- Researchers at Roussel-Uclaf, a French pharmaceutical company, develop mifepristone (RU-486).

18 -- The FDA issues a testing permit to the Population Council, a nonprofit group, to conduct trials of mifepristone as an early abortion method.

188 -- RU-486 is approved in France, but distribution is halted in response to protests. The French Minister of Health intervenes and orders the company to return the drug to the market. Anti-abortion rights groups then threaten to boycott Hoechst A.G. (Rousell-Uclafs parent company).

18 -- In response to pressure from the Bush Administration and others, the FDA bans the importation of RU-486 for personal use. Hoechst says it wont market or distribute the drug outside of France to appease groups against abortion rights.

10 -- Leading scientists testify before Congress that the FDA import ban has hindered research on the broad medical benefits of RU-486, including treatment for some cancers, HIV, and uterine tumors, and for inducing labor.

July 1 -- An American woman named Leona Benten issues the first direct challenge to the FDA import ban when U.S. Customs seizes the drug from her as she returns from Europe. However the U.S. Supreme Court refuses to hear her case or order the FDA to overturn the ban.

Jan. 1 -- President Clinton asks the FDA to re-examine its import ban.

Sept. 1 -- The Institute of Medicine suggests that an expedited new drug application be submitted to the FDA for the use of RU-486 as a method of early abortion.

14-15 -- Roussel-Uclaf gives the Population Council the U.S. patent rights for RU-486. Clinical trials involving ,100 women begin.

March 16 -- The Population Council submits a drug application to the FDA for RU-486 as an early abortion method.

July 16 -- An advisory arm of the FDA recommends approval of RU-486 as a safe and effective early nonsurgical method of abortion.

Sept. 16 -- The FDA issues an approvable letter for RU-486 for early abortion, when used with misoprostol, a drug that causes uterine contractions to expel the embryo. The letter states that the two-drug combination is safe and effective when used under close medical supervision but notes that additional information is needed on the manufacturing process and labeling before a final decision is made.

Feb. 17 -- A major roadblock The European manufacturer responsible for producing RU-486 in the U.S. cancels its contract with the Population Council -- delaying the drugs introduction in the U.S. indefinitely.

April 17 -- A study in The New England Journal of Medicine shows that RU-486, when used in combination with a type of drug called a prostaglandin (misoprostol), medically terminates % of pregnancies when taken within 4 days of conception.

June 18 -- An amendment to a bill is passed that bans the FDA from using funds to test, develop, or approve any abortion drug.

Sept. 18 -- The Clinton administration opposes the amendment.

Oct. 18 -- The ban is deleted from the bill.

Feb. 000 -- The FDA postpones approval of RU-486 until certain questions about the manufacturing and distribution of the drug are answered.

Sept. 8, 000 -- RU-486 is approved by FDA as a method of early medical abortion.

Feb. 6, 001 (Washington) -- Some Republican lawmakers are once again mounting an effort to restrict the use of the highly controversial abortion pill RU-486.

U.S. Rep. David Vitter, (R-La.), and U.S. Sen. Tim Hutchinson, (R-Ark.), on Tuesday introduced legislation that would require physicians prescribing the drug to have previous experience performing surgical abortions. The bill, similar to one introduced by Hutchinson last year, also would require prescribing physicians to receive special training, be able to read an ultrasound, and be able to admit patients to a nearby hospital.

This bill seeks to ensure that the health of women who take this drug will not be jeopardized due to the improper administration of the drug by an inadequately trained health professional, said Hutchinson at a press conference. I have no doubt that if women were asked whether their doctor should be required to be able to read an ultrasound, handle complications, and get them admitted to the hospital in case of emergency, they would not hesitate to demand those levels of competence.

This legislation is about protecting womens health, Vitter said. Last fall, the Clinton-Gore FDA caved into political pressure from the abortion lobby and hurriedly approved the abortion drug without crucial health protections for those who use it. Our legislation corrects that mistake.

Last September, the FDA approved RU-486, also called mifepristone and sold under the name Mifeprex, under a set of rules most often used for the fast-track approval of drugs to treat life-threatening diseases, such as AIDS. The FDA also proposed, but then abandoned, the set of restrictions outlined in the legislation proposed Tuesday.

But pro-choice forces say the bill is a thinly disguised effort to chip away at womens right to choose.

Claims that this legislation is motivated by a concern for womens health are at best disingenuous, and at worst, dishonest, said Vicki Saporta, executive director of the National Abortion Federation, following the Republican press conference.

Although the FDA considered similar restrictions, the agency subsequently rejected them because they were medically unnecessary and inconsistent with the way medicine is practiced in the U.S., Saporta noted. In addition, she pointed out, the FDA did not abandon all of the proposed restrictions. Doctors prescribing the drug are still required to be able to complete a surgical abortion or at least have access to another qualified surgeon.

Joining the National Abortion Federation in protesting the legislation were several other members of Congress, as well as the National Abortion Rights Action League (NARAL) and Planned Parenthood of America.

But despite warning that this legislation is a serious threat and a signal of the current administrations intention to eventually outlaw abortions, opponents of the legislation predicted that it has little chance of passing the Senate, even if passed by the House, where antiabortion forces enjoy their strongest support.

A lot of members, who might otherwise vote for such things as a ban on partial-birth abortions, have clear trouble with telling the FDA what to do, explained Rep. Rosa DeLauro, (D-Conn.).

And some members of Congress would be deterred from voting for the proposed bill because the drug also is being tested and used for the treatment of breast cancer, brain tumors, and other illnesses, she said.

Since becoming available in November, about 100 abortion clinics have begun offering Mifeprex to patients, according to the National Abortion Federation, which represents approximately 400 clinics nationwide. The drug also is approved in 17 other countries and has been used by more than half a million women in Europe and millions of women in China.

Patients in the U.S. can get Mifeprex only from doctors that have signed an agreement to follow the guidelines set by the FDA. Besides requiring doctors to at least have access to an abortion specialist, those guidelines also require regular checkups to ensure that the treatment worked and that the women who took it did not suffer from excessive bleeding, a complication that occurs in about 1% of patients.

FDA officials say these guidelines were based upon science alone. FDA officials also say the drug was approved under the fast-track process because the use of this mechanism gave the agency the ability to control how the drug is prescribed.

But even the potential defeat of this proposed legislation is unlikely to end the debate surrounding Mifeprexs approval. Besides challenging the drugs safety, opponents of the drug also have raised questions regarding Cytotec, a drug that must be combined with Mifeprex to complete the abortion.

The legislation introduced last year aimed to restrict the use of Mifeprex to specialists, such as ob-gyns, who could perform surgical abortions and treat other complications. The measure failed to pass due in large part to the argument that restricting its use to those specialists would be tantamount to its withdrawal and would discriminate against women in rural areas with limited access to specialists.

But supporters and opponents of Mifeprex agree that its widespread availability would make abortion more accessible and more private because women could then end their pregnancies at home rather than travel to an abortion clinic.

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